Chapter 18 is in 2 parts, titled "The Holocaust and Genocide"
Although the book does not explicitly deny the Holocaust, it has many revealing quotes by Jews about the nature of how it is viewed in Jewish culture. It even notes that many Jewish survivors were despised by other Jews in Israel. In fact, the book, despite being critical of Jewish supremacism and influence in the west, relies almost exclusively on Jewish sources. Really, the book just brings up allegations of Nazi extermination for the purpose of quoting jews who are critical of the double-standards of their fellow tribesmen, basically just pointing out "hey guys, it wasn't just us that were persecuted and sent to camps"
It also gives brief overview of how the "Holocaust" was treated as an event by Jews over time, and the events which caused a resurgence of the "Holocaust" as a part of Jewish identity.
It can be read at the following link, with all of the sources cited the bibliography: http://holywar.org/jewishtr/open.htm
Here is an excerpt from part 1 (the rest of part 1 and also part 2 can be read by following the link above). Comments are welcomed
Read on: http://holywar.org/jewishtr/open.htmThe Holocaust and Genocide (pt. 1) [501 Kilobytes] [about 93 paper pages] The Nazi persecutors' inadvertent rejuvenation of Jewish identity; early Israeli shame of Holocaust survivors, and today's heroizing of them; creation of the secular Holocaust theology in the 1960s; Israel's "redemptive" 1967 victory over the Arabs as a milestone in Jewish Holocaust cosmology; the Holocaust and Israel as cores of modern Jewish identity; German fascism's Master Race ideology as an echo of Jewry's Chosen People claim; precedents for Nazi-inspired genocide (and other racist policies) in original Jewish teachings; the reification of such material in some Jewish quarters today; Holocaust-centeredness throughout the western mass media; Jewish religious tenets and anti-Black racism; the importance of the symbol of Amalek in Jewish tradition, the injunction that he should be eternally hated, and the continuous call for his extermination; the Holocaust in the forgotten context of World War II; Nazi intention to exterminate Jews, Gypsies, Slavs, and others; the undercurrent of Chosen People racism in the idea that murdered Jews are more important than anyone else murdered; modern Jewish defamation of Poles, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Russians and other Eastern Europeans; Jewish exclusionism and separatism in pre-World War II Eastern Europe; the lack of Jewish resistance to the Nazis; Jewish collaborators with German fascists; Jewish domination of postwar communist secret police organizations and concentration camps; Jewish double standards for World War II era history: one standard for Jews, and another for non-Jews; mainstream Jewry's resistance to the facts of World War II-era history.
The Holocaust and Genocide (pt. 2) [543 Kilobytes] [about 124 paper pages] Jewish and western world obsession with the Holocaust; Jewish insistence that the "Holocaust was unique"; Holocaust uniqueness as part of the traditional Chosen People concept; the importance of Jewish Old Testament-sanctioned genocide in understanding the Holocaust; the invention of the Jewish dead as heroes and martyrs for the Jewish cause; the proliferation of worldwide Holocaust museums as Judeo-centric and Israeli propaganda posts; the usurping of distinctly American patriotic sites beneath the Jewish martyrological flag; the Holocaust as Big Business; the proliferation of Judeocentric Holocaust classes in American schools; international Jewish aspects of the world Holocaust history scene; the Auschwitz convent controversy; popular mass media renditions of the Holocaust: Shoah, Maus, Schindler's List; the trial of John Demjanjuk, accused mass murderer.
18 (pt. 1)
THE HOLOCAUST AND GENOCIDE
"Instead of learning about the Holocaust through the large lens of
Jewish history, many Jews and non-Jews in America
now learn the whole of Jewish history through the lens of the
Holocaust." -- James Young, p. 304
"The myth of the Holocaust teaches that throughout their
history of persecution the Jews have been blameless, their
oppressors irrational." -- Liebman and Cohen p. 33
"It isn't the truth [about Jews in the Holocaust era] that
frightens me but the suppression of free speech in order to
protect communal myths that are not lies but truths rendered
so sacrosanct and undiscussed that they start to smell fishy."
-- Carol Oppenheim, Jewish author,
"Many Jews use, shamelessly, the slaughter of the six million
by the Third Reich as proof that they cannot be bigots -- or
in the hope of not being held responsible for their bigotry.
It is galling to be told by a Jew whom you know to be
exploiting you that he cannot be doing what you know he
is doing because he is a Jew."
-- James Baldwin, Black novelist,
"Related to the film's box-office success is the fact that
precisely because Schindler's List has been watched
by large numbers of people who had very little previous
knowledge of the Holocaust, and cannot be expected to
gain much more knowledge in the future. This specific
version of the event may remain the only source of
information about it for many of its viewers."
-- Omer Bartov, p. 46
"It is doubtful that history is the genre for writers who are
so overwhelmed by the Holocaust and yet want to describe
it. It seems that some fictional form of expression may be
more suitable than history for those who want to respond
emotionally rather than historically to that great tragedy."
--Richard Lucas, p. 222
"[Jewish] manufactured claims of uniqueness for their own
people are, after all, synonymous with dismissal and denial of
the experience of others ... Narcissistic false claims of
uniqueness are joined with brutal, racist denials of the
sufferings of others, becoming two sides of the same coin."
-- David Stannard, p. 198
"I would be the last to minimize the atrocity of Auschwitz,
where my father and mother perished. But don't the tears
of others count? " -- Maxime Rodinson, p. 9
"[The Holocaust had been] hardly talked about for the first twenty years or so
after World War II; then, from the 1970s on, [it became] ever more central in
American public discourse -- particularly, of course, among Jews, but also in the
culture at large. What accounts for this unusual chronology?"
-- Peter Novick, 1999, p. 2
"The actual historical subject [of the Holocaust] itself has
become almost unimportant compared with its contemporary
political function in the hands of some Jews."
-- John Fox, non-Jewish faculty member
in Jewish history and Holocaust studies at both
University College and Jews College, London,
[3-19-2000, p. 47-48]
It is the profoundest of ironies that Adolf Hitler and the Nazis may have saved worldwide Jewry from extinction. (In the case of Jewish Hassids, Menachem Friedman notes that "paradoxically, it was the destruction of Eastern European Jewry in the twentieth century that created the conditions which enabled the spread of ultra-orthodoxy.") [HEILMAN, S., 1992, p. 31] At the very least, judging by common Jewish commentary about their fate in Europe over fifty years ago, Hitler is responsible for a dramatic Jewish revival. Before World War II many Jews were on a slow but steady path of assimilation wherever they resided in their diaspora, particularly in Western Europe, each generation inched further away from the separatist myths of the Jewish past. Religion of all kinds continued in retreat and the rationale for being Jewish was -- at least in some parts of the Jewish community -- steadily weakening. As the Nazi regime came to power, however, many German Jews (if we take what they say at face value) had strayed from a specifically Jewish connection in their lives and were forced to re-examine their identities. In 1935, for instance, the German literary critic Jean Amery (Hans Mayer) supposedly discovered himself a Jew in a Viennese cafe when reading a newspaper about new Nazi laws on the subject. Likewise, in 1938, the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein connected to his long lost Jewish identity as a consequence of Nazi dictates. They were both suddenly Jews because Hitler said so. [TRAVERSO, p. 39] Even Albert Einstein found his identity as a Jew in the context of rising political anti-Semitism in Germany in 1914. There had been nothing in Switzerland, he said, "that called forth any Jewish sentiments in me. When I moved to Berlin all that changed." [CLARK, p. 377] (He was helping to raise "funds for the Zionist cause of a Hebrew university" by 1921.) [RHODES, R., 1988, p. 173] "The composer Arnold Schoenberg and many other baptized Jews," notes Nachum Gidal, "now publicly declared their return to Judaism." [GIDAL, p. 425]
Sigmund Freud reflected, at least publicly, the same experience:
"My language is German. My culture, my attainments, are German. I
could identify myself German intellectually, until I noticed the growth of
anti-Semitic prejudice in Germany and German Austria. Since that
time, I prefer to call myself a Jew." [GAY, MOMENT, p. 50]
In 1937, an American Jew, Alfred Siegel, wrote in the American Israelite that
"Hitler has been a life-giving stimulant for me. In times when there is no
Jewish flame left in me and I am feeling very cold, I get warm again on
account of Hitler ... I know I shouldn't say this, but ... Hitler [is] helping
me to fulfill my status as an immortal man ... What will become of me
when there is no more Hitler and there is no one to set flames under me
to keep me warm? What if we come at last to a world in which no
anti-Semite is left and everybody loves me? What of my poor Jewish
bones which set so quickly cold without stimulation? Who and what
will keep me warm then? -- May 27, 1937 [in GOLDSTEIN, p. 115]
For today's many Jewish "ideologists," wrote Jacob Neusner, decades after Hitler, "there is no real choice about 'being Jewish' if born one. The Holocaust dictates that there is no escape from it. Hitler knew you were one." [NEUSNER, Holo, p. 978] "The gas chambers at Auschwitz," notes Jonathan Sacks, "made no distinction between [Jewish] assimilators and traditionalists, believers and heretics, atheists and Jews of faith." [SACKS, J., p.6] Such comments are terribly true, but always left unstated is the disturbing fact that the same all-encompassing view that "born Jews" (whatever they choose to believe) are inescapably Jewish is a concept intrinsic to classic Jewish identity itself. Hitler did not invent the idea that being Jewish is a racial pedigree, often these days euphemistically referred to as a "community of fate." Was not Hitler following the same path as this 1970s observation by a Jewish theologian, Eugene Borowitz? : "To be a Jew means to have a bond with every other Jew -- and somehow know how to find him." [in SILBERMAN, C., p. 76]
Whatever the case, in attempting to racially define and annihilate the Jewish people, Hitler rejuvenated them. This is exemplified in the famous plea by the Jewish theologian, Emil Fackenheim, who implored his fellow Jews to renew with vigor their sense of Jewishness. To allow it to wane -- post-Holocaust -- was now equated to be a posthumous victory for Hitler. (Even for Jews married to non-Jews, distinctive Jewish progeny is often a burning issue. A liberal feminist professor, Amy Sheldon, notes that "although I had many mixed feelings towards traditional Judaism, there was never any doubt in my mind that our children would be raised as Jews. 'I can't finish what Hitler started,' I told my [non-Jewish] husband before we were married." [SHELDON, p. 82])
We see in Hitler's last breath in 1945 the birth of Israel in 1948, and the conjoining of the Holocaust and the modern state of Israel as the sacred pillars of a renewed Jewish identity rooted in guilt, fear, resentment, hostility, and rage. It was, however, not an identity that took immediate shape after Hitler's persecution of Jewry. The martyr status of concentration camp victims, the heroizing of survivors no matter what they had to do to live, the stress upon exaggerated Jewish resistance to the Nazis, a deeper embracement of Jewish tribalism, and the political exploitation of the Holocaust for Jewish and Israeli myths and manipulations came later. What came to be known as "the Holocaust," says Edward Lilenthal, "was often indistinguishable, in the immediate postwar years, from the millions of noncombatant casualties due to terror bombings of civilian populations, epidemic illness, or starvation. It was considered by most as simply part of the horror of war." [LILENTHAL, p. 5]
In Israel, in the early years after the Holocaust, Jewish survivors were even scorned with contempt by Israeli Jews as "soap" (i.e., feebly passive Jews who were passively turned into bars of soap by Nazi tormentors, [GOREN, p. 159] the fulfillment of demeaning stereotypes about fellow Jews. "With what scorn," noted Georges Tamarin in 1973, "Israeli youth reacts to the alleged faint-heartedness of the six million victims of Nazis!" [TAMARIN, p. 115] The Holocaust was an emblem of shame to Jewry, little discussed, more often avoided. "Even in their extraordinary death agony," notes Haim Breseeth, "the millions of European Jews had not attracted sympathy [in Israel] -- a minimum expectation from an important Jewish community." [BRESEETH, p. 196] "In retrospect," says Arye Carmon," it appears that a disturbing conjunction evolved between the incomprehensible magnitude of evil of the Nazis and the victims who conscientiously were presented as an ideological object to be disassociated from. This conjunction may explain the duality of guilt and shame that has portrayed mourning in Israel." [CARMON, p. 76] A daughter of Holocaust survivors who was raised in Israel remarked at a conference there that
"What I hated and dreaded most when I was a child was summertime.
It was a time when the [tattooed concentration camp] numbers on my
mother's arm would be there for all to see and people would know
that she was a survivor and was one of the despised people. People
like my parents were despised in Israel, and I was ashamed of
them." [EMMETT, p. 147]
"In 1947 a Jewish concentration camp survivor, Primo Levy, could only interest a small, obscure press to publish an account of his experiences and the volume was little noticed. [TRAVERSO, p. 104] Even Eli Wiesel's ultimately influential work about the Holocaust, Night, did not appear in English until 1960, after twenty publishers had rejected it. [WHITFIELD p. 74] "We would look in vain in the 1950s," says Jacob Neusner, "for what some call 'Holocaustomania.'" [NEUSNER, STRANGER, p. 84]
"Many Jews raised in the United States in the wake of the Holocaust," notes Melanie Kaye-Kantrowitz, "experienced it like a family secret -- hovering, controlling, but barely mentioned except in code or casual reference." [BRODKIN, K., p. 141]
In 1961 only two of 31 discussants in a major Jewish magazine's symposium on "Jewishness and Younger Intellectuals" put any emphasis on the Holocaust effecting their lives. In that same year, another important Jewish magazine's theme of "My Jewish Affirmation" overlooked the Holocaust almost completely. [LINENTHAL, p. 8] Even as late as 1966, when Commentary published a forum on "Jewish belief" in its pages, "the Holocaust," notes Nathan Glazer, "did not figure in any of the questions, nor, it must be said, did it figure in the answers." [GLAZER, American, p. 172] In a collection of 1960s-era interviews with Israeli prime minister David Ben Gurion "the word Holocaust never appears." [STERNBERGER, I., 8-15-95]
The book that first attracted, and furthered, widespread interest in the particularly Jewish experiences of World War II was the diary of Ann Frank (The Diary of a Young Girl), a volume that a Jewish novelist, Meyer Levin, almost single-handedly pushed to fame. Levin urged the diary's publication in the American Jewish Congress Weekly; it was serialized in the Jewish magazine, Commentary. Doubleday eventually published it and Levin himself heralded its importance on the front page of the New York Times Book Review, his editors not informed about his own "vested interest" -- commercially and politically -- in the story. [BLAIR, p. 3] The volume has since sold over sixty million copies in fifty-one languages. [WHITFIELD, p. 72] (There appeared with such revelations a corresponding shame and guilt among diaspora Jews and a rising need to atone for their own sin of doing so little to help European Jewry during the Hitler era. [RUBENSTEIN, p. 24]) The diary of Ann Frank is so well publicized internationally that, note David Goodman and Masanori Miyazawa,
"Ann Frank's Diary of a Young Girl has sold over a four million copies
in Japan, more than any other country except the United States. So
beloved is Ann Frank in Japan that the first Japanese company to market
sanitary napkins designed especially for Japanese women called itself
Anne Co., Ltd., and sold its product under the brand name 'Anne's
Day' (Anne no hi), which quickly became a euphemism for menstruation
in Japan." [GOODMAN, p. 6]
The Jewish Telegraphic Agency noted continued popular promotion of Anne Frank in 2001, half a century after her death:
"A four hour miniseries, following Anne's life from her happy school days
through her two years in hiding in Amsterdam and to her final days in the
concentration camp, air nationally over ABC TV on May 20 and May 21.
The 20th Century Fox studio is developing a feature move based on
'The Diary of Anne Frank.'
A new edition of the diary, including five previously unpublished pages
describing her parents' difficult marriage, was released in March.
The Helos Dance Theatre premiered 'About Anne: A Diary in Dance'
in Los Angeles last month.
An interactive CDROM titled 'Anne Frank House: A House with a Story'
was released earlier this year, offering a virtual tour of the building and
the 'secret annex' where the Frank family hid.
In Boise, Idaho, ground has been broken on a $1.6 million Anne
Frank Human Rights Memorial Park." [TUGEND, T., 5-13-01]
In formal literature, "apart from the notable exception of [Saul] Bellow's The Dangling Man," says Theodore Ziolkowski, "it was not until the 60s with Edward Wallant's The Pawnbroker, Norma Rosen's Touching Evil, Susan Schaeffer's Anya, Arthur Cohen's In the Days of Simon Stern, and later works by Cynthia Ozick and Saul Bellow -- that the Holocaust became a genuine theme." [ZIOLKOWSKI, p. 599] By 1998, however, Sheila Schimpf noted that
"For 10 years Barry Gross has asked Michigan State University students
in his English classes how many have read or seen 'The Diary of Anne
Frank.' Almost every hand goes up. 'It has become almost the common
text for this generation of students,' Gross says." [SCHIMPF, p. E1]
In 1967, with the multiple-nation Arab war against Israel, worldwide Jewry snapped to a new kind of attention and consciousness, one that has since accelerated to our own day into deeply politicized Jewish obsessions with anti-Semitism, the hallowed specialness of the Holocaust, and the absolute sanctity of Israel. During the 1967 Arab war, Jews everywhere (as it is told and retold in Jewish scholarship) imagined the prospect for another Holocaust. "It would be impossible to understand the present Israeli stance toward the Arabs without taking full account of the Holocaust," says Jay Gonen. [GONEN, p. 151] In the Arab armies Jews saw Nazi storm troopers. In the PLO leadership of Yassar Arafat, they stamped the face of Hitler. "Israel," says Melvin Urofsky, "made it possible [for Jews worldwide] to endure the memory of Auschwitz. Were Israel to be destroyed [by Arabs], then Hitler would be alive again, the final victory would be his." [UROFSKY, M., 1978, p. 351]
The old Jewish self-identity of weakness and victimization -- based on the Jewish martyrological tradition of death, destruction, and terror -- became now a conviction of armor, militantly wielded, shaped with the very shame and horror of the Holocaust. The resultant Israeli victory over the Arabs meant a symbolic return to physical power, along biblical lines even, for many Jews, redemption. It also meant the springboard for a new Holocaust-centeredness, aggressive in its character, hostile and embittered to non-Jews everywhere around them. And it was adept in milking communal guilt from comfortable Jews in America who experienced nothing of the risks of 1967 Israel nor the European Holocaust years. A victorious Israel rising up out of ashes of the Holocaust became the cornerstone of Jewish self-conception. The Holocaust was no longer shamefully harmful to the Jewish self-image. It was now a much-heralded building block for the state of Israel and impassioned Jewish vigor, everywhere discussed, everywhere publicized.
Jews who paid little attention to the Jewish annihilation during World War II, and in the early years after, two decades later were increasingly consumed with it. "A profound sense of their status as survivors seized world Jewry," notes Jacob Neusner. [NEUSNER, Holo, p. 976] "The question," adds Hanno Loewy, "which constantly recurs is, 'Why did I of all people survive?' -- a question which pursues the survivor and to which there is no answer." [LOWEY, p. 240] "Every time I attend a gathering of Jewish children," wrote well-known lawyer Alan Dershowitz in 1991, "at a family event, at a Bar Mitzvah, at Simchath Torah -- I imagine SS guards lining up these children for the gas chambers." [DERSHOWITZ, p. 178]
"To some extent," says Jacob Petuchowski, "this preoccupation [with the Holocaust] represents a repercussion of the guilt-complex of the survivors (and perhaps more so of those who survived at a safe trans-Atlantic distance than of the actual survivors of the camp.)" [PETUCHOWSKI, p. 6] The Jew, says James Yaffe, "feels guilty over the six million Jews who were killed by Hitler. What more could he have done to help them? Perhaps nothing, but his guilt stems from his sense that he might so easily have died instead of them." [YAFFE, J., 1968, p. 59] "The notion of survivor guilt and of resurrecting the dead to greater power than they had in life," suggests Samuel Heilman, "is of course an old one, most dramatically elaborated in Freud's famous essay Totem and Taboo." [HEILMAN, S, 1992, p. 370] It is important for many Jews to diffuse their own guilt by dumping much of it into the laps of others: "I am burdened with collective guilt," said Hans Meyer, "I say; not they. The world, which forgives and forgets, has sentenced me, not those who murdered or allowed the murder to occur." Meyer, Ruth Wisse informs us, "committed suicide, driven 'to the mind's limits' and beyond by the dishonest postwar reimposition of normalcy." [WISSE, p. 48]
"Ironically," says Leon Wieseltier, "for many Jews what remains [of Jewish identity] most vivid and 'ethnically' alive is the Holocaust." [BECHSTEL, p. 118] Rabbi David Novak even argues that today's Holocaust-based Jewish identity (i.e., the peculiar notion that modern Jewish identity is fundamentally defined by its contradistinction from real, and imagined, enemies) ironically owes much of its conception -- in the modern post-Holocaust context -- to the existentialist non-Jew, Jean Paul-Sartre, and his own book about anti-Semitism. [NOVAK, p. El of Is, p. 20]
With the growing emphasis upon a Jewish identity largely defined by the Holocaust, vacation tours were created for American and other diaspora Jews to visit death camps in Europe as part of an immersion in "the Jewish experience." "At bar and bat mitzvahs, in a growing number of communities," notes Peter Novick,
"the child is 'twinned' with a young vicitm of the Holocaust who never lived to
have the ceremony, and by all reports the kids like it a lot. Adolescent Jews
who go on organized tours to Auschwitz and Treblinka have reported that
they were 'never so proud to be a Jew' as when, at these sites, they vicariously
experienced the Holocaust. Jewish college students oversubscribe courses on the
Holocaust, and rush to pin yellow stars to their lapels on Yom Hashoah (Holocaust
Remembrance DAy). And it's not just the young. Adult Jews flock to Holocaust
events as to no others and give millions unstintingly to build yet another Holocaust
memorial." [NOVICK, P., 1999, p. 8]
The Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles, one of the greatest Holocaust centers, built a multi-million dollar high-tech environment to "recreate the Holocaust experience" for Jews who missed it. The director of a Jewish education committee even proposed a high school course about the Holocaust so that all students could be able to understand "what it means to be Jewish." [LIPSTADT, p. 356] By 1986, a quarter of all new books reviewed in Judaica Book News had a Holocaust subject and more college students were taking courses about the Holocaust than any other Jewish concern. [SILVER, p. 460] In 1985, 86% of American Jewry, as evidenced in one survey, believed that "there's no doubt that the Holocaust has deeply affected the way I think and feel about being Jewish." [LIEBMAN/COHEN, p. 33] "For American Jews," notes David Schnall, "Israel has become vitally important not as a living alternative [as a place to live] but more so as a refuge, a final port in the storm of humanity, should the unthinkable occur once more." [SCHNALL, p. 124]