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http://www.wearswar.com/2021/10/30/jewi ... ld-war-ii/
See also Roosevelt's Road To War.
Although not explicitly mentioning Jews, Aigner shows that Germany under Hitler sincerely sought friendly relations in the West, and that Hitler himself had always been in favour of this. But the anti-German, and largely Jewish press in Britain had been fear-mongering about a war with Germany since the beginning of the Third Reich. It wasn't a new development that showed itself once Hitler had taken his first "aggressive" actions in Europe, i.e. against the Czechs. It was always apart of interwar paranoia on part of the victors of the first world war to believe Germany would follow the path of retribution for the wrongs committed against her, leading Europe and the world into another war.
This fear-mongering in itself contributed to the fatalistic belief in an "inevitable" new war, in which Germany had already been cast in her part as the "aggressor" and thus instigator.
Charles C. Tansill in his The Back Door to War published by Regnery in 1952 (in German: Die Hintertür zum Kriege, Droste, 1958) shows much the same thing from the war-mongering of Jews in the United States.
The secret Polish documents captured by the Germans in Warsaw also bare this out. For example, the Polish Ambassador in Washington, Count Jerzy Potocki in a report dated January 12, 1939 writes:
There is a feeling now prevalent in the United States marked by growing hatred of Fascism, and above all of Chancellor Hitler and everything connected with National Socialism. Propaganda is mostly in the hands of the Jews who control almost 100 percent radio, film , daily and periodical press. Although this propaganda is extremely coarse and presents Germany as black as possible above all religious persecution and concentration camps are exploited — this propaganda is nevertheless extremely effective since the public here is completely ignorant and knows nothing of the situation in Europe.
At the present moment most Americans regard Chancellor Hitler and National Socialism as the greatest evil and greatest peril threatening the world. The situation here provides an excellent platform for public speakers of all kinds, for emigrants from Germany and Czechoslovakia who with a great many words and with most various calumnies incite the public. They praise American liberty which they contrast with the totalitarian states.
It is interesting to note that in this extremely well-planned campaign which is conducted above all against National Socialism, Soviet Russia is almost completely eliminated. Soviet Russia, if mentioned at all, is mentioned in a friendly manner and things are presented in such a way that it would seem that the Soviet Union were cooperating with the bloc of democratic states. Thanks to the clever propaganda the sympathies of the American public are completely on the side of Red Spain.
This propaganda, this war psychosis is being artificially created. The American people are told that peace in Europe is hanging only by a thread and that war is inevitable. At the same time the American people are unequivocally told that in case of a world war, America also must take an active part in order to defend the slogans of liberty and democracy in the world. President Roosevelt was the first one to express hatred against Fascism . In doing so he was serving a double purpose; first he wanted to divert the attention of the American people from difficult and intricate domestic problems, especially from the problem of the struggle between capital and labor. Second, by creating a war psychosis and by spreading rumors concerning dangers threatening Europe, he wanted to induce the American people to accept an enormous armament program which far exceeds United States defense requirements.
I can only say that President Roosevelt, as a clever player of politics and a connoisseur of American mentality, speedily steered public attention away from the domestic situation in order to fasten it on foreign policy. The way to achieve this was simple. One needed, on the one hand, to enhance the war menace overhanging the world on account of Chancellor Hitler, and, on the other hand, to create a specter by talking about the attack of the totalitarian states on the United States. The Munich pact came to President Roosevelt as a godsend. He described it as the capitulation of France and England to bellicose German militarism . As was said here : Hitler compelled Chamberlain at pistol -point. Hence, France and England had no choice and had to conclude a shameful peace.
For this Jewish international, which above all is concerned with the interests of its race, to put the President of the United States at this “ ideal” post of champion of human rights, was a clever move. In this manner they created a dangerous hot bed for hatred and hostility in this hemisphere and divided the world into two hostile camps. The entire issue is worked out in a mysterious manner. Roosevelt has been forcing the foundation for vitalizing American foreign policy, and simultaneously has been procuring enormous stocks for the coming war, for which the Jews are striving consciously. With regard to domestic policy, it is extremely convenient to divert public attention from anti-semitism which is ever growing in the United States, by talking about the necessity of defending faith and individual liberty against the onslaught of Fascism.
The German White Paper: Full text of the Polish documents issued by the Berlin Foreign Office (New York: Howell, Soskin & Company, 1940), Doc. 6, p. 29, 30, 31. See too: Auswäriges Amts (ed.), Roosevelts Weg in den Krieg. Geheimdokumente zur Kriegspolitik des Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag, 1943), Doc. 15, p. 63ff.
And of course, James Forrestal, the first U.S. Secretary of Defense recorded Neville Chamberlain blaming the war on Jews as well:
Played golf today with Joe Kennedy [Joseph P. Kennedy, who was Roosevelt's Ambassador to Great Britain in the years immediately before the war]. I asked him about his conversations with Roosevelt and Neville Chamberlain from 1938 on. He said Chamberlain's position in 1938 was that England had nothing with which to fight and that she could not risk going to war with Hitler. Kennedy's view: That Hitler would have fought Russia without any later conflict with England if it had not been for Bullitt's [William C. Bullitt, then Ambassador to France] urging on Roosevelt in the summer of 1939 that the Germans must be faced down about Poland; neither the French nor the British would have made Poland a case of war if it had not been for the constant needling from Washington. Bullitt, he said, kept telling Roosevelt that the Germans wouldn't fight, Kennedy that they would, and that they would overrun Europe. Chamberlain, he says, stated that America and the world Jews had forced England into the war. In his telephone conversation with Roosevelt in the summer of 1939 the President kept telling him to put some iron up Chamberlain's backside. [needling] Kennedy's response always was that putting iron up his backside did no good unless the British had some iron with which to fight, and they did not. . . .
What Kennedy told me in this conversation agrees substantially with the remarks Clarence Dillon had made to me already, to the general effect that Roosevelt had asked him in some manner to communicate privately with the British to the end that Chamberlain should have greater firmness in his dealings with Germany. Dillon told me that at Roosevelt's request he had talked with Lord Lothian in the same general sense as Kennedy reported Roosevelt having urged him to do with Chamberlain. Lothian presumably was to communicate to Chamberlain the gist of his conversation with Dillon.
Entry for 27 December, 1945. Walter Millis (ed.), The Forrestal Diaries: The Inner History of the Cold War (London: Cassell & Company Ltd., 1952), Pp. 128-129.
A brief overview of Jewish influence can be found in the German White book I just cited:
Public opinion still does not react according to Roosevelt's wishes at first, but the president has influential helpers at his disposal in "educating" the American people: the Jews. The Jews, reported the Polish ambassador on 9 February 1938, i.e. also before the annexation of Austria, were "the pioneers for the creation of the war mood ... which is to plunge the whole world into war and bring about a general catastrophe ... This hatred leads to frenzy. It is propagated everywhere and at every step: in the theatre, in cinemas, in the press. The Germans are portrayed as a people living under the arrogance of Hitler, who wants to conquer the whole world and drown all mankind in a sea of blood" (Doc. 6). When one realises that, according to the Polish ambassador, radio, film, daily press and magazines are almost 100% in Jewish hands (Doc. 15), one can imagine the extent of this propaganda. Of the highly influential financier Bernard Baruch, "whom every president of the United States is glad to ask for advice on domestic as well as foreign policy", and of his equally highly influential Jewish friend Herbert Swope, it is said a little later that they were filled with raging hatred of Hitler and wanted above all to "settle accounts" with Hitler in order to "remove the danger threatening the whole world . . . )
Potocki lists Felix Frankfurter, one of the justices of the Supreme Court, the Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau and the Governor of the State of New York, Lehmann, as other Jews from Roosevelt's entourage, about whose activities he literally says the following: "For this Jewish International, which has above all the interests of its race in mind, the elevation of the President of the United States to this 'most ideal' post of defender of human rights was a brilliant move. In this way they have created a very dangerous focal point for hatred and hostility in this hemisphere and have divided the world into two hostile camps (Doc. 15). Until the moment when the Jews have achieved their preliminary goal with the outbreak of war, their agitation intensifies more and more in the manner of a drumbeat, and leading Jewish officials of the State Department, such as the Deputy Under-Secretary Messersmith, go into overdrive in attacks and accusations against the German regime (Docs. 13, 24).
Auswäriges Amts (ed.), Roosevelts Weg in den Krieg. Geheimdokumente zur Kriegspolitik des Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag, 1943), Pp. 12.
The authenticity of these documents has been confirmed time and again. In just one instance they were confirmed by former U.S. President Herbert Hoover, who writes:
After the Germans had invaded Poland on September 1, 1939, and seized the Polish Foreign Office records, they released a mass of documents which certainly indicated that the American Ambassador to France, William C. Bullitt, who could act only on Mr. Roosevelt’s authority, in January, 1939, had made a profusion of oral assurances to officials of Poland and France which they could only interpret as a promise of assistance of some kind of force from the United States. These statements by Bullitt were contained in numerous dispatches from Polish Ambassadors abroad to their Foreign Ministers in Warsaw.
When published, these documents were denounced as fabrications by Ambassador Bullitt, the Polish Ambassador to Washington, Count Jerzy Potocki, and by our State Department. But subsequently, the Polish Ambassador in Washington informed me that the documents were genuine and that he had denied their authenticity at the request of the State Department.
Herbert Hoover, George H. Nash (ed.), Freedom Betrayed: Herbert Hoover’s Secret History of the Second World War and Its Aftermath (California: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 2011), Pp. 131-132.
Hoover also notes that the documents published by the Germans had ancillary documentation located in the Polish Embassy in Washington:
However, more convincing than these denials are the files of the Polish Embassy in Washington which were given to the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. A new translation showed only minor differences from the German publication. There were many of these documents. . .
Ibid., p. 132.
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