Poland under Communism / Jewish domination of Polish Communism

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Poland under Communism / Jewish domination of Polish Communism

Postby Lamprecht » 10 months 1 week ago (Wed Aug 28, 2019 10:02 pm)

The purpose of this thread will be to review the results of Poland's decision to oppose the Third Reich, and how that impacted the Polish people.

In 1936, Germany under Hitler signed the Anti-Comintern Pact, in which they pledged to support any other signatories against communist Soviet aggression. Poland was invited to sign the pact, but didn't. Japan, Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovakia, and Hungary all signed the pact. Hitler, seeing the importance of Poland geographically in the struggle against Soviet Bolshevism, wanted the Poles to join him against the USSR but the Poles refused.

What started WWII in Europe was initially a territorial dispute between Germany and Poland, over land taken from Germany and given to Poland at the end of World War I. When the Germans marched into Poland in September 1939, Britain and France declared war on Germany, allegedly to "Protect the freedom of Poland" or "Protect the territorial integrity of Poland." When the USSR also invaded Poland in Sept. 1939, Britain and France did not declare war on the USSR.

In April 1943 the German Army discovered huge mass graves with tens of thousands of Polish leaders murdered by the Soviet NKVD. Hitler invited the International Red Cross and journalists from various neutral countries to review the evidence of this mass murder, but the American/British media blamed it on the Germans. After Germany's surrender, the Western allies, against US General Patton's advice, decided to allow Poland to be handed over to the same Communist butchers who massacred the Polish elite at Katyn and elsewhere. The Western Allies had two plans called "Operation Unthinkable" which, if successful, would have driven the Soviets from Poland, but they were cancelled. As a result, Poland became a Soviet satellite after WWII and the Polish people did not break free from communism until 1991. Additionally, Poland's post-war communist government was overwhelmingly dominated by the Jewish minority.


There is a book on the subject of Jewish domination of Polish communism:

Image
Google Books: https://books.google.com/books/about/Th ... _R17Qmv7wC
Full book PDF: https://pdfhost.io/v/EsYhUb2Lo_The_Gene ... Poland.pdf or mirror1 or mirror2 or mirror3 or mirror4



Peter Myers has two great articles on the book. In one, he quotes various passages and provides his own comments. In the second, he quotes Kevin Macdonald's discussion of the book in 'The Culture of Critique':

Review of Jaff Schatz, The Generation: The Rise and Fall of the Jewish Communists of Poland
http://mailstar.net/schatz.html or https://archive.is/lSEml

Kevin MacDonald's review of a book by J. Schatz, The Generation: The Rise and Fall of the Jewish Communists of Poland (1991)
http://mailstar.net/poland.html or https://archive.is/T1v7Y

Some excerpts:
Schatz's (1991) work on the group of Jewish communists who came to power in Poland after World War II (termed by Schatz "the generation") is important because it sheds light on the identificatory processes of an entire generation of communist Jews in Eastern Europe. Unlike the situation in the Soviet Union where the predominantly Jewish faction led by Trotsky was defeated, it is possible to trace the activities and identifications of a Jewish communist elite who actually obtained political power and held it for a significant period.

The great majority of this group were socialized in very traditional Jewish families whose inner life, customs and folklore, religious traditions, leisure time, contacts between generations, and ways of socializing were, despite variations, essentially permeated by traditional Jewish values and norms of conduct.
...
Note the implication that self-deceptive processes were at work here: Members of the generation denied the effects of a pervasive socialization experience that colored all of their subsequent perceptions, so that in a very real sense, they did not know how Jewish they were. Most of these individuals spoke Yiddish in their daily lives and had only a poor command of Polish even after joining the party (p. 54). They socialized entirely with other Jews whom they met in the Jewish world of work, neighborhood, and Jewish social and political organizations. After they became communists, they dated and married among themselves and their social gatherings were conducted in Yiddish (p. 116). As is the case for all of the Jewish intellectual and political movements discussed in this volume, their mentors and principle influences were other ethnic Jews, including especially Luxemburg and Trotsky (pp. 62, 89), and when they recalled personal heroes, they were mostly Jews whose exploits achieved semi-mythical proportions (p. 112).
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In the prewar period even the most "de-ethnicized" Jews only outwardly assimilated by dressing like gentiles, taking gentile-sounding names (suggesting deception), and learning their languages. They attempted to recruit gentiles into the movement but did not assimilate or attempt to assimilate into Polish culture; they retained traditional Jewish "disdainful and supercilious attitudes" toward what, as Marxists, they viewed as a "retarded" Polish peasant culture.
...
This combination of self-deceptive rationalization as well as considerable evidence of a Jewish identity can be seen in the comments of Jacub Berman, one of the most prominent leaders of the postwar era. (All three communist leaders who dominated Poland between 1948 and 1956, Berman, Boleslaw Bierut, and Hilary Minc, were Jews.)
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While Jewish members saw the KPP as beneficial to Jewish interests, the party was perceived by gentile Poles even before the war as "pro-Soviet, antipatriotic, and ethnically 'not truly Polish' " (Schatz 1991, 82). This perception of lack of patriotism was the main source of popular hostility to the KPP (Schatz 1991, 91). On the one hand, for much of its existence the KPP had been at war not only with the Polish State, but with its entire body politic, including the legal opposition parties of the Left.

On the other hand, in the eyes of the great majority of Poles, the KPP was a foreign, subversive agency of Moscow, bent on the destruction of Poland's hard-won independence and the incorporation of Poland into the Soviet Union. Labeled a "Soviet agency" or the "Jew-Commune," it was viewed as a dangerous and fundamentally unPolish conspiracy dedicated to undemmining national sovereignty and restoring, in a new guise, Russian domination. (Coutouvidis & Reynolds 1986,115)

The KPP backed the Soviet Union in the Polish-Soviet war of 1919-1920 and in the Soviet invasion of 1939. It also accepted the 1939 border with the USSR and was relatively unconcerned with the Soviet massacre of Polish prisoners of war during World War II, whereas the Polish government in exile in London held nationalist views of these matters. The Soviet army and its Polish allies "led by cold-blooded political calculation, military necessities, or both" allowed the uprising of the Home Army, faithful to the noncommunist.
...
Moreover, as was the case with the CPUSA, actual Jewish leadership and involvement in Polish Communism was much greater than surface appearances; ethnic Poles were recruited and promoted to high positions in order to lessen the perception that the KPP was a Jewish movement (Schatz 1991, 97). This attempt to deceptively lower the Jewish profile of the communist movement was also apparent in the ZPP. (The ZPP refers to the Union of Polish Patriots - an Orwellian-named communist front organization created by the Soviet Union to occupy Poland after the war.) Apart from members of the generation whose political loyalties could be counted on and who formed the leadership core of the group, Jews were often discouraged from joining the movement out of fear that the movement would appear too Jewish. However, Jews who could physically pass as Poles were allowed to join and were encouraged to state they were ethnic Poles and to change their names to Polish-sounding names. "Not everyone was approached [to engage in deception], and some were spared such proposals because nothing could be done with them: they just looked too Jewish" (Schatz 1991, 185).

More will be posted in the future, that's all for now.



Related threads:

When the USSR invaded Poland, Britain was silent
viewtopic.php?t=7556

'Why Germany Invaded Poland', by John Wear / 'peaceful Poland' debunked
viewtopic.php?t=12331

Sources on Jews and Communism
viewtopic.php?t=12671

Polish Atrocities against Germans before 1. September 1939
viewtopic.php?t=7525
"There is a principal which is a bar against all information, which is proof against all arguments, and which cannot fail to keep a man in everlasting ignorance -- that principal is contempt prior to investigation."
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How did Jewish Communism work out for the Polish people?

Postby Lamprecht » 10 months 1 week ago (Thu Aug 29, 2019 7:56 pm)

How did Jewish Communism work out for the Polish people?

Documentary on Polish Communism:

Poland: Communism's New Look

Surveys the many facets of modern Polish life. Traces Poland's history from World War II to the mid-1960's, contrasts life in Warsaw with traditional rural life, and describes the growing industrialization of the country. Investigates Gomulka's socialist government and its attitude toward peasants, education, and the Roman Catholic Church
Mirrors: https://archive.org/details/polandcommunismsnewlook or https://www.bitchute.com/video/mCVx0MXOHueQ/



Overview of Communism in Poland:
In May 1943, after the discovery of mass graves in Katyń, Stalin broke off all diplomatic ties with the Polish government. Simultaneously, he began sowing the seeds for future Communist rule in Poland - the Union of Polish Patriots and military units were created and put under Soviet command. In the occupied country (outside the territory previously annexed by the USSR), a rebuilt Communist party (Polish Workers' Party - Polska Partia Robotnicza, PPR) operated from 1942 onwards.
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In January 1944, the Red Army crossed the borders of pre-war Poland. However, Stalin simply considered these lands part of Soviet territory. In July 1944, the Polish Committee of National Liberation, which consisted of the PPR and a few other parties subject to the Communists, was created in Moscow. Finally, the successful suppression of the Warsaw Uprising by the German army paved the way for the Communist Party to seize power in Poland.
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In the aftermath of the Yalta conference in 1945, Poland witnessed the creation of the Provisional Government of National Unity including the participation of a few independent politicians. Meanwhile, the legal government in exile lost the Allies’ support. The Polish Peasant's Party, led by Stanisław Mikołajczyk, was created as a legal opposition party. It was destroyed after the fraudulent elections in January 1947. At the same time, the resistance of the armed underground was broken, although small units kept on fighting for a few more years with the last partisan being killed in 1963.

In December 1948, the PPR absorbed the Socialist Party. The Polish United Workers' Party (Polska Zjednocozna Partia Robotnicza, PZPR) was created with Bolesław Bierut as its leader and single-handedly governed the country until 1981. The Alliance of Democrats and United Peasant's Party existed for mere decorative purposes. In the constitution of 1952, the name of the country was changed to People’s Republic of Poland (Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa, PRL). The constitution was edited by Stalin himself. The judicial system was based partially on pre-war laws which were gradually replaced by new ones.

The political system was inspired by the Soviet system: the Communist reign was based on the Party’s absolute power, nomenklatura, propaganda, censorship and security apparatus. The clout and position of the security apparatus was severely diminished in 1956, however it later experienced a systematic restoration to its former status. The Party had control over both the country and public life with the exception of the Catholic Church which maintained its independence.

The year 1956 brought the first crisis of the system. In June 1956, citizens of Poznań revolted, and by autumn the demonstrations had spread throughout the whole country. After Bierut’s death Edward Ochab became the new leader of the Party, replaced by Władysław Gomułka in October. He governed until the next mass protests in December 1970. The next First Secretary Edward Gierek stepped down after the strikes in the summer of 1980, which caused the creation of the Independent Self-governing Labour Union "Solidarity" led by Lech Wałęsa. After a year of Stanisław Kani’s rule, General Wojciech Jaruzelski took power and imposed martial law in December 1981.
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In 1945 about 40,000 - 50,000 people from Polish territories were deported to forced labour camps in the USSR, most of them from Upper Silesia. Until 1947, units of the NKVD were stationed in Poland and participated in battles against the anti-communist underground. The biggest operation of Soviet forces was the Augustów roundup in July 1945, during which over 7000 people were arrested and almost 700 killed.

The system of forced labour camps was established in 1945 and by 1950 there were 206 camps on Polish territory. The number of inmates is estimated at around 300,000. The last camps were closed in 1958. The number of political prison sentences between 1944 - 1956 is unknown, though at one point there were up to 50,000 political prisoners in the system. In the aforementioned time period, about 3,500 death sentences were imposed for political reasons, of which over 2,500 were carried out. On top of that, over 20,000 inmates died in prisons and labour camps. The overall number of victims of the 1944-1956 period is estimated at around 50,000.

About 100 different laws served as the foundation for these large-scale repressions. In addition to imprisonment and forced labour, administrative punishments such as fees and arrests were also widely used. Within just a few years, between 1952-1955, over half a million peasants were given such punishments because they did not give their compulsory shares in produce to the authorities.
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The first economic move of the communists was a land reform, proclaimed in September 1944. Its main purpose was to increase public support; this goal was never achieved, particularly due to the system of compulsory deliveries which the occupiers enforced until 1972. In January 1946, all industrial facilities employing over 50 people per shift were nationalised. In the territories gained from Germany, all property (private and national) was taken by the state.

In 1947, the government proclaimed the battle for trade, during which mass repressions were used to liquidate most private shops and wholesales. Other small enterprises (e.g. mills, food processing plants, metalworks) were taken over, based on decisions by the enterprise nationalisation commission. Another attack on private owners was the monetary reform of 1950 which deprived private owners of two thirds of their money. Simultaneously, the possession of foreign currencies and precious metals was forbidden until 1956.

The collectivisation of all agriculture was proclaimed in 1948. This decision was met with massive resistance by the peasants. The government cracked down on the resistance through a combination of repressions and higher tax rates for peasants. Until the second half of 1956, 9,975 cooperatives had been created, making up about 9% of all farmlands in the country. After taking power in 1956, Władysław Gomułka announced the end of forced collectivisation. This caused a massive decollectivisation of farming; 85% of all cooperatives disintegrated. In the following years, forced collectivisation was not reintroduced and the government’s attempts at encouraging the foundation of new cooperatives did not succeed. The government still owned the State Agricultural Farms (Państwowe Gospodarstwa Rolne), which had attained control over 18% of all Polish farmlands by 1989.

In 1949, the command economy was introduced. Intensive industrialisation took place under the six years plan from 1950-1955. Heavy industry was developed at the cost of consumption. The biggest state investment was Nowa Huta, the supposed perfect socialist town which incorporated a metalwork combine. After 1956, spending on consumption goods was increased for a short time. The focus of the command economy on heavy industry resulted in limits to consumption and price hikes, ultimately leading to several waves of social upheaval (1956, 1970, 1976, 1980).

In the beginning of the 1970s, the PRL took significant international loans which in turn led to a slightly better economic situation. The mistakes made in using them and the increase in interest rates, however, brought a deep economic crisis which lasted until the end of the 1980s. It was in this period that long queues in front of most shops as well as the rationing of many foods and industrial goods became symbols of the government’s failure.
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The situation began to change in the years 1947-1948, together with the progressing sovietisation. In the following years all branches of social life were subjected to party control and purges. In culture, Socialist realism was proclaimed while the only permitted methodology in science and research was Marxism-Leninism. Schools became a place to shape the “new man” and university admissions procedures were controlled strictly.
Communist Crimes: Communist Occupation and Dictatorship in Poland (1939-1941; 1944-1989)
http://www.communistcrimes.org/en/node/33 or https://archive.is/gHryb



Economic benefits of ending Communism in Poland:
ImageImage
The much-delayed consensus that the overthrow the communistic Polish People’s Republic was worthwhile comes from the fact that the country’s overall economic success has become undeniable. In the aggregate, Poles now are richer than they have ever been before – by a lot.
30 Years of Post-Communism in Poland: What Should be Remembered?
https://theglobepost.com/2019/06/12/pol ... nism-1989/ or http://web.archive.org/web/201908300031 ... nism-1989/

Poland has seen the largest increase in GDP per capita in Europe since ending communism:
How Poland Became Europe’s Growth Champion: Insights from the Successful Post-Socialist Transition
https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-d ... ransition/ or http://web.archive.org/web/201908300037 ... ransition/

The Next Economic Powerhouse? Poland
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/05/opin ... ussia.html or https://archive.is/K1Czf

"There isn’t much question that the transformation that began in 1989 — when Poland became the first country in the world to ditch communism to recreate a market economy — has been the best time in the country's 1,000-year history."
Poland’s transformation is a story worth telling
https://www.politico.eu/article/poland- ... c-success/ or https://archive.is/qPCh3

20 years after communism's collapse, Poland's economy is thriving:
"Poland has become the only country in Europe where consumers are spending more than they used to spend a year ago, and where corporations are spending more," said Slawomir Majman, president of the Polish Information and Foreign Investment Agency in Warsaw. "Poland's exports are growing. And most importantly, Poland is delivering the product which is definitely in short supply in 2009: economic stability."

It all seems light years away from the autumn of 1989, when it became clear that the outgoing communist regime had not only mismanaged Poland's economy on a shocking scale, but also run up billions of US dollars in foreign debt. Then, food queues, chronic shortages and rampant inflation earned Poland the reputation of being the sick man of Europe.
https://www.dw.com/en/20-years-after-co ... /a-4789075 or https://archive.is/6Rq69
"There is a principal which is a bar against all information, which is proof against all arguments, and which cannot fail to keep a man in everlasting ignorance -- that principal is contempt prior to investigation."
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Forced Labor "Death Camps" in Communist Poland

Postby Lamprecht » 10 months 1 week ago (Fri Aug 30, 2019 6:53 pm)

We don't hear about the Judeo-Communist concentration camps in the USSR, over 40 of them in Poland alone, where the Bolsheviks enslaved White Europeans. The only "Poles" who would have had any fond memories of Communism must have had family or friends who worked for the USSR enslaving ethnic Poles.

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The following quoted text is from:
Richard K. Carlton (1955) Forced Labor in the "People's Democracies"
http://web.archive.org/web/201011212043 ... -1-1.shtml or https://archive.is/VZq1j
FORCED LABOR IN POLAND

Introduction

Under the Communist law in Poland, based on the Russian penal code, most of the Poles sent to slave camps were not permitted their own defense during trial.

Prisoners continue to be domiciled in overcrowded jerry-built barracks, mostly of the flimsiest wooden construction and consequently drafty and cold in the winter. Camps are generally surrounded with a double ring of barbed wire and closely watched by a special armed guard. The inmates sleep on double-decker beds with straw sacks in lieu of mattresses; each bunk is provided with a sheet, two blankets, and a pillow-case very often filled with straw or old newspapers. The bedding is washed very seldom, and the blankets are not changed at all. The soap ration amounts to 150 grains per prisoner per month. This amount is hardly enough for one week, and it must be remembered that a substantial percentage of Polish forced laborers are employed in coal mines. To make camp life even more difficult and unpleasant, there is very often an insufficient camp water supply. The poor sanitary facilities and generally miserable living conditions together with the hard labor and rigid disciplinary measures all contribute to a life of extreme difficulty for the Polish forced laborer.

All forced labor camps and Military Labor Battalions are guarded by special military units called KBW (Internal Security Corps). These consist of carefully selected soldiers serving military duty. These units are recruited from the minority of Communist fanatics, the criterion for their selection being complete political reliability. They perform their guard duties with an exaggerated zeal and have often, especially at the Myslowice camp, shown a lamentable eagerness to use their weapons.
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FORCE LABOR CAMPS IN POLAND 1950-1954 [page 223] Forced Labor Camps in Poland (numbers refer to map)

1. ANDERSOWKA. Inmates mining fireproof clay.

2. BIELAWY-PIECHCIN. Inmates working in limestone quarries.

3. BYTOM. Inmates working in Dymitrow coal mine.

4. CHEBZIE. Inmates working in Pawel coal mine.

5. DZIWNA. Concentration camp for Greek anti-Communists; high mortality rate; no information on work.

6. GRONOWO. Women inmates only; working on large sewing project.

7. HRUBIESZOW. Concentration camp; inmates working on construction of bridges, tunnels, and railroads.

8. ILAWA. Forced labor camp attached to prison; inmates work in a large carpentry shop, a smithy, and an auto repair shop. [page 224]

9. JAWISZOWICE. Inmates working in coal mine.

10. JAWORZONO, Camp. Inmates working at mining and production of ceiling beams, foundation blocks, staircases, concrete discs for runways at airfields, clothes cupboards for Army, rifle stands, chairs, tables.

11. JELCZ . Inmates doing construction on metallurgical plant Krupp-Werke, now planned as an automobile factory.

12. KAMIENSK. Inmates working at building construction.

13. KATOWICE Camp. Inmates working in Kleofas coal mine.

14. KOWARY. Inmates working at uranium mining.

15. KAMIONKA. Inmates working in uranium mine and quarries.

16. LAGIEWNIKI. Center for Education of Labor; inmates mining.

20. ROKITNICA. Inmates working in coal mine.

21. RUDA SLASKA. Inmates working in coal mines.

22. SIEMIANOWICE I and II. Inmates working in Siemianowice and Laura mines.

23. SOSNICA. Inmates working in coal mine.

24. SIKAWA. Inmates manufacturing leather goods.

25. SUCHE LANY. Camp attached to Strzelce Opolskie prison; inmates farming; men and women.

26. WESOLA. Inmates working in coal mine.

30. WILKOW. Inmates working at Len copper mine. 34. WOJCIESZOW. Inmates working at stone quarry.

31. WARGOWO-ZYDOWO. Temporary camp; inmates dig turf. WARSAW

32. ZIELONA GORA. Inmates engaged in industrial work. (8-axle flat cars with 50-ton capacity).

36. GOLENIOW. Prison; inmates manufacturing screws for War saw building projects.

37. GRUDZIADZ. Prison; women inmates only; large sewing project.

42. NOWY WISNICZ. Prison; most inmates work at saddlery shop within prison; others, outside at various projects.

43. CHORZOW. Military labor battalion working in mines.

44. GDANSK. Navy military labor battalion doing construction work.

46. Military. Military labor battalion working at mining.

47. KOBIERZYN. Camp for military labor battalions; training for unreliable soldiers.

48. LODZ. Military labor battalion (penal company); inmates doing various kinds of work.

49. SOBIECIN. Military labor battalion working at mining.

Upon assuming power, the Communist regime was faced with mounting complaints and dissatisfaction. To prevent any eventual uprising and to hold a discontented population in check, the Government created a punitive system that applies to every [page 221] individual and, through the weapon of fear, demands fullest obedience and cooperation. Forced labor camps are only one of the components of this system, which demands the maximum of every individual regardless of sex from the age of sixteen on and establishes a working regime which no one can escape.

Notes to Forced Labor in Poland

1. Dz.U. 1946,
Law No. 377; 1947,
Law No. 390; 1948,
Law No. 124; 1949,
Law No. 238. 2. Dz.U. 1946,
Law No. 46. 3.
Law Journal, No. 6, January 26, 1951.
It was the USSR GULAG camp authority which administered the Soviet Communist concentration camps in Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia.
BOX-FOLDER-REPORT: 102-1-1
TITLE: Forced Labor in the "People's Democracies"
BY: Richard K. Carlton
DATE: 1955 COUNTRY: (n/a)
ORIGINAL SUBJECT:
--- Begin ---
FORCED LABOR IN THE "PEOPLE'S DEMOCRACIES" FREDERICK A. PRAEGER New York [page i]
FORCED LABOR IN THE "PEOPLE'S DEMOCRACIES"
RICHARD K. CARLTON, EDITOR
Research and analysis by Andrew G. CARANFIL JAN HAJDUKIEWICZ, JAROMIR LEDECKY, FRED S. PISKY, L. A. D. DELLIN, DRAGOS D. KOSTICH;

LEGAL MATERIAL SUPPLIED BY THE MID-EUROPEAN LAW PROJECT OF THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PUBLISHED FOR THE MID-EUROPEAN STUDIES CENTER OF THE FREE EUROPE COMMITTEE, INC. BY FREDERICK A. PRAEGER, PUBLISHERS New York

This modern slavery was first exported from the Soviet Union in 1940, when a number of arrests and deportations took place in the Baltic countries even before those countries were incorporated into the U.S.S.R, on August 3, 1940. The first major wave of arrests took place in 1941 and was largely concerned with the removal of actual and potential oppositionists in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.

Although the primary purpose of these arrests was political, they also had an economic aim; as there was no large-scale economic construction work to be done in the Baltic countries, the "political offenders" were sent to labor camps in the U.S.S.R. After the re-occupation of the Baltic countries by the Soviet Union at the end of 1944,the first large labor camps were established in the Baltic territories. These became known as "filtering camps" through which a large part of the population was screened; those convicted of "minor" offenses were assigned to work in the area and "major" offenders were transported to the Ukraine and other parts of the Soviet Union. Relatively minor deportations took place in 1947,but they were followed by a third wave of mass deportations in 1948-49. This was directed mainly against farmers and was carried out in connection with the collectivization of agriculture. Most of these deportees were sent to labor colonies in central Siberia.

Only those sentenced to less than two or three years remained in the 41 camps in Estonia, 6 in Latvia, and 9 in Lithuania. [page 8] Every Communist assumption of power--in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, and Albania--was accompanied by mass arrests aimed primarily at the elimination of the opposition. Some prisoners were interned and others were assigned to forced labor.


The inauguration of the East European Five Year Plans in 1950 and 1951 was followed shortly by reports from each People's Democracy (except Yugoslavia which had split from the Cominform) telling of wholesale arrests and deportations from almost every major city. Shortly thereafter, reports began to arrive describing a steady flow of arrivals at established forced labor camps and the establishment of many new camps. When the "speed-up" of the Plans was announced a year later, the cycle was repeated
Censoring and Silencing Dissent. 1.2 million in Polish GULAG camps.
While the Soviet Corrective Labor Code speaks of "re-education and reform," the Ad Hoc Committee on Forced Labour states: Where the prisoners are political offenders convicted of having in some way shown their opposition to the regime in power, such re-education can only be. . . designed to alter their opinions and so deter them from any future manifestation of their opposition...

The object, therefore, is not merely to re-educate the offenders and so rid them of their criminal leanings; it is at least as much, and probably even more, to correct their political opinions and so eliminate all opposition to the regime.

The International League was able to document the existence of well over 400 camps in Eastern Europe in 1952. From the testimony available concerning these camps, the International League estimated that they had held somewhere between 1,000,000 and 1,200,000 forced laborers from their inauguration
"DEATH CAMPS" is the term used.
Conditions in these forced labor camps varied from fair to incredibly bad, many camps earning the reputation of being "death camps" from the high death rates due to the labor exacted and the brutal conditions under which it was performed. Usually, new work projects were established where no shelter previously existed, or where housing was inadequate even for the "free" labor already working on the project. Inmates of newly established camps generally had to build their own shelter, which was almost invariably primitive.

Not until 1952 were the first stone barracks erected as protection against the climate in a few more permanent camps. More often simple wood huts or tents were used, and in some cases the prisoners had only shelters made from tree branches. The food given the prisoners generally kept them in a state of semi-starvation.
Does not seem that Jewish Bolshevism / Communism was very good for Poland.
"There is a principal which is a bar against all information, which is proof against all arguments, and which cannot fail to keep a man in everlasting ignorance -- that principal is contempt prior to investigation."
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Re: Poland under Communism / Jewish domination of Polish Communism

Postby Lamprecht » 10 months 1 week ago (Sun Sep 01, 2019 6:53 pm)

"There is a principal which is a bar against all information, which is proof against all arguments, and which cannot fail to keep a man in everlasting ignorance -- that principal is contempt prior to investigation."
-- Herbert Spencer

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The Jewish decade in post-war Poland

Postby Lamprecht » 5 months 2 days ago (Wed Feb 05, 2020 8:22 pm)

Image

Another article here showing the overwhelmingly disproportionate role of Jew in Poland's post-war communist activities. The article posts a chapter from abook by Stefan Korboński (1989) "The Jews and the Poles in World War II"
The chapter quoted is titled "The Jews in postwar Poland"
Below I am quoting just the introduction, click one of the links at the end of the quote to see the full article, which reproduces the full chapter of the book.
The Jewish decade in post-war Poland

13 July 2009

When I wrote my post about the Bielski brothers, who are lionised in Edward Zwick’s 2008 film, “Defiance”, I mentioned that a Polish-American reader of this blog had provided me with much of the background material. The same source has now sent me a chapter from a book by a Polish national hero, Stefan Korboński. The book is The Jews and the Poles in World War II, and this fifth chapter is titled The Jews in postwar Poland.

In the decade up to 1955 Poland somehow acquired Jewish overlords not only in government and the communist party but in the secret police, in the adminstration of justice, in the machinery of political indoctrination, and so on. It was the darkest period of the communist era, the period of “the midnight knock at the door, arbitrary arrests, torture, and sometimes secret execution”. Korbo?ski does not dwell on the horrors that were committed during this time, but explains where political power and responsibility lay. He leaves us to supply motive.

This is by no means dead history. The political and legal architecture of the communist state was very different, of course, from the Western democratic model. But in terms of its ethic nepotism and sheer tribal aggression, Jewish engagement in the “dictatorship of the proletariat” demonstrates how unchanging is the character of Jewry and how singular its interest in the monopoly of power. As Korbo?ski noted somewhat reservedly of Stalin’s appraisal of Jews, they were “cosmopolitans whose loyalties would be to Zionism rather than the country of their residence.”

I reproduce below the entire Chapter V from The Jews and the Poles in World War II.
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The Jewish decade in post-war Poland
http://archive.is/O3IhV or http://web.archive.org/web/201204220906 ... war_poland
"There is a principal which is a bar against all information, which is proof against all arguments, and which cannot fail to keep a man in everlasting ignorance -- that principal is contempt prior to investigation."
-- Herbert Spencer


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